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Trump must reassert USleadership in the Asia Pacific
2017-03-11 17:02

Trump must reassert USleadership in the Asia Pacific

Jon Huntsman

 

Leaders and policies change with elections,but a nation’s interests do not. As a Pacific power, the United States has anenduring interest in an Asia-Pacific region that is stable, free, andprosperous. To advance these objectives, the Trump administration will need acoherent strategy that draws on all tools of our power – military, diplomatic,and not least economic.
   
Over the next few decades, no region of the world will have more impact onAmerica’s economic fortunes than the Asia Pacific. As noted in our CSIS report,
ReinvigoratingU.S. Economic Strategy in the Asia Pacific, the region is home to morethan half the world's trillion-dollar economies. As billions of Asians jointhe middle class, the world’s economic center of gravity willmove further toward the region, linking more US exports, growth, and jobsto the Pacific than ever before.
   
Signs of this emerging future are already evident across the country. From thePacific Northwest to the South, demand from Asia is driving growth in USexports:
meat,grains, and produce; automobiles, capital equipment, and energy;health care, financial services, and software.Already, trade with Asia directly supports morethan 3 million US jobs, and it has the potential to deliver much more.
   
But we cannot take this bright future for granted. Growth in Asia facesincreasing headwinds. Nationalism and protectionism are on the rise across theregion. Challenges to US-led institutions, rules and norms threaten America'ssecurity and economic opportunity.
   

China poses a particular challenge for the United States. The country'sspectacular rise to become the world’s second-largest economy in a few shortdecades has created huge opportunities for US exporters and investors. But asnoted in the CSIS report, slowing growth, stalled reforms, and mercantilistpolicies are creating a more difficult environment in China, while Beijing ispursuing more assertive policies externally.
   
The United States benefits from a cooperative US-China relationship, but thiscannot be sustained if it does not advance the interests of both countries.Even while expanding cooperation, Washington must be willing to challengeBeijing where it seeks to undermine the rules-based order or when its actionsthreaten US interests.
   
In the face of these opportunities and challenges, the Trump administration can– and must – reassert US leadership in the Asia Pacific. Job one is tostrengthen the foundations of our own economy, through tax and regulatoryreform, infrastructure investment, better education and training, and morespending on basic research. Economic muscle at home is of profound importanceto Asia, which equates economic strength with security and the projection ofpower.
   
The administration should then build on the solid strategic foundations of ourinvolvement in the Asia Pacific that have guided the past eight US administrations.A strong security presence reinforced with robust investment in a rules-basedregional economic order and support for democratic values remains the best wayto advance American interests.
   
The Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) was designed to promote America’s vision offreer and fairer trade and investment in the Asia Pacific. A successfulagreement would greatly increase access for US goods and services to theworld's most dynamic markets, while strengthening rules in critical areas suchas ensuring an open internet, protecting intellectual property and limiting therole of the state in the marketplace.
   
The new administration's decision to withdraw from TPP puts these
benefitsat risk and could leave a dangerous vacuum in the region, undermining USsecurity and prosperity. It will likely give momentum to agreements in Asiathat exclude the United States and do not promote high standards, strengthen China’salready muscular hand in the region, and undermine our allies and partners.
   
We urge the Trump administration to use the opportunity of withdrawal to meetwith our TPP partners, outline areas of concern, and devise a negotiatingagenda to rectify its deficiencies.
   
The administration should also look for new ways to open markets and advancethe high standards that are critical to economic progress in the 21st century.As noted in our recent report, TPP had a
powerfuleffect in incentivizing Asian countries to work with the United States inbuilding a stronger rules-based order. This success should be extended to otherareas of economic policy, from advocating for greater transparency as Asiabuilds infrastructure to promoting high standards in technology.
   
A key finding of our report was that a successful strategy requires Washingtonto work more closely with our treaty allies in the region, particularly Japan,South Korea, and Australia, as well as partners such as India and Singapore.The administration must also coordinate closely with the US private sector. Andit must develop effective messages that explain the importance of the AsiaPacific to the American people.
   
Implementing this kind of strategy is complicated by the popular preference torebuild at home rather than lead abroad. But this is a false dilemma: America’sdomestic prosperity is inextricably linked to our international leadership. Avacuum of US leadership in Asia filled by less benevolent players would takedecades to reverse – and at a huge economic cost by way of lost markets andlegitimacy.
   
Through smart and strategic economic policy, the incoming administration hasthe opportunity to build a firm foundation for America’s Pacific century. Itshould seize the chance.

Jon Huntsman served as US ambassador toChina and Singapore and was twice elected governor of Utah. Charlene Barshefskyis a former US trade representative. Evan Greenberg is chairman and CEO ofChubb Limited. Together they co-chaired a high-level, bipartisan commission onUS economic strategy toward the Asia Pacific: "ReinvigoratingU.S. Economic Strategy in the Asia Pacific".

 



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